King Gyanendra is not limiting himself to writing poems, reading books and surfing the internet.

BY P. KHAREL

As early as in April 2006, some of his well-wishers within and outside Nepal advised King Gyanendra to remain silent for “the next two years” and watch things unfold. The king has maintained a remarkable degree of silence for 23 months, except for some observations he made to inquisitive journalists who had an audience with him not so long ago. This scribe knows for a fact that quite a few leading international news media — print as well as broadcast — continue to knock at the Narayanhity Palace’s Western Gate for an interview. Those seeking a “scoop” press on the theme that “this is the time for the king to put forth his views before an international audience”. The bait has not worked. The King does not in any way want to give an impression that he is trying to derail the proposed, and twice-postponed, constituent assembly (CA) polls.

Based on the views and impressions drawn from an array of nineteen people from the cross-section of society who had a total of 37 audiences with the king, this columnist has been able to draw a sketch of the king shuttling between the Narayanhity and the Nagarjun palaces. Monarchy makes an interesting read. That is why some tabloid papers treat it as a staple of their regular diet.

King Gyanendra is not limiting himself to writing poems, reading books and surfing the internet. Between May 2007 and the year-end, he composed at least two dozen poems, mostly on patriotism and human behaviour. The king simply smiled away suggestions that some of them be rendered in musical compositions. Books on nature or philosophy interest him a lot. His daily schedules include a stream of visitors. He makes and receives quite a few phone calls from within and outside the country. Traditionally, the palace didn’t fix appointments for Tuesdays. Not any more. An academic received an audience on Tuesday last week.

Palace officials and other special teams brief the monarch on the political situation, foreign affairs and the security situation. These sessions include brief reviews, new developments, their interpretations and the likely implications. Those in the know speak of his incisive queries and interpretations laden with succinct conclusion. He doesn’t mind equally sharp comments on his interpretations of events, institutions and developments. A politician with relative currency, who has had several encounters with the king in the past year and a half, said: “At first, I wondered whether it was mere posturing. But several subsequent meetings convinced me that he is indeed confident [regarding the status of monarchy].”

The king has redoubled his work schedule after his Nagarjun stay in autumn 2006. Former Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran phoned him during his Kathmandu visit, some weeks after Indian ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukharjee paid him a call at Nagarjun. Chinese teams on official visits have not met with the king but others coming in other guises are learnt to have had quite a few sessions at the palace. The Chinese do not wish to displease the host government which “does not want a meeting with the king [by a foreign delegation]”, although this does not seem to apply to Indians at least. Indian Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh’s Congress (I) Party General Secretary Digbijay Singh did meet the king for nearly two hours. Perhaps not to give room for the Chinese to feel slighted, the Indian leader scheduled his meeting at Narayanhity Palace only after the “official” part of the visiting team’s business was over and the rest of the team members had been seen off by Singh himself. As for the Americans, INGO channels are in operation.

He has received communications speaking of various options to end the “existing crisis in the country”. None of the sources of such communications have come up with precisely what should be done but want the king “to do something” to tide over the current crisis. Nor does the king mention any specific option for the hearing of those with their ears to the ground or palace walls. The style is to ask supplementary questions to the suggestions that the contacts of such foreign capitals make. The king has some “reliable” well-wishers among friends he came into contact over the decades when he headed the King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation.

The Chinese have also maintained contacts to route messages. Not ruling out unpredictable eventuality, the Americans have formed their own channels of communication for keeping tabs on the king. The king is against a military coup. “For the army in Nepal does not have any tradition of staging a coup. All I tell the security forces is that they be professional.” He keeps his options to himself and shares some of them sparingly with a small, trusted, close-knit circle that has witnessed a sea change in composition and size. This has frustrated those who have been left out. Others are feeling greater frustration when they realise that their traditional “contacts” themselves are found to be at a loss as to what really is happening. “Everything is collapsing and time’s running out,” said a man of close palace contact since the mid-1970s but, apparently, sidelined now.

If monarchy does reemerge as a part and parcel of the country’s political institution, it will be only after the CA poll preparations the seven-party-alliance (SPA) government is making. The king does not in any way wish to be seen, or even seem to be, an obstacle to the SPA effort. The palace has also refused funding any party. The king sees “more difficulties, even calamity” beyond the ongoing CA poll process. To feelers for “an understanding” from political factions in the SPA fraternity, the palace’s stand is: “If the effort is for strengthening state power, yes. What use is it if the effort is at enhancing a political party’s power?” This is a message that has not gone well with at least of the two most powerful partners in SPA, UML being only a cheer leader.

Will monarchy continue beyond this spring season? “I don’t see there is any other alternative,” said a highly placed source who would be the one to know what is really afoot, as knowledgeable as anyone else, next to the king himself.

Without comment

Rastriya Prajatantra Party/Nepal President Kamal Thapa, in Jana Bhawana: “I have found the king to have inexplicable confidence.”